The victory of Bandera ideology will shrink Ukraine to the size of Banderastan


Oleg Bondarenko

On the 26th of October 2014 parliamentary elections were held, which for the first time in the whole history of modern Ukraine have resulted in a Supreme Rada consisting of less than the legally stipulated minimal number of 450 elected representatives, of only just about 420.

Without taking into account the areas where elections will be deemed to not have taken place, the unrepresented mandates include 10 Crimean and 16 Donbass regions. Thus, the official Kiev authorities accept that these territories (pointedly referred to as “Lungandon” by Poroschenko’s outspoken advisor, Yulia Lutsenko) are no longer located within the borders of today’s Ukraine. This is in contrast to the May 25th presidential elections, during which an attempt was made to make a show of conducting elections for both Donbass and Crimea by arranging external polling stations at which large numbers of refugees with registration permits were forcibly gathered.

Currently there are also six Donbass ghost regions, the so-called ATO (Anti-Terrorist Operation) zones, in which Kolomoisky has already bought victory for his candidates – a theme that was part of a phone conversation now available on the internet, that he had with Poroschenko’s long-time comrade-in-arms David Zhvania. Nevertheless, this can perhaps be considered progress when compared to previous attempts to pass off Crimean votes as having been cast for Poroschenko. Inevitably, the Kiev authorities must come to terms with the new political reality that confronts them.

Thus, the new Rada (which, according to the current constitution is the main organ of state power – despite questions surrounding its real significance in the absence of a constitutional court), will for the first time operate without representatives from Donbass – one of the two key bases of the regional Ukrainian elite. The relative stability of the previous political model (lard has no cracks, ha-ha) was achieved, to a large extent, as a result of a permanent struggle between two clans – Donetsk and Dnepropetrovsk. This is the industrial heritage of the Soviet Union, whose principle product was Ukraine.

Kuchma versus Kravchuk, Yuschenko against Yanukovich, Yanukovich versus Timoschenko. All the political and business rivalry was rooted in this.
Of course, over the past ten years, these clans have been challenged by a new one – from Lvov. However due to their obvious financial and man-power deficiencies, it did not work out for the Lvovians.
Today it’s a different story – a ‘Pride’ revolution, built not with the hands of the cold-fearing Kievan clans, but by the unassuming gangs from Galicia. It has brought to power a government whose cabinet consists of a significant proportion of graduates from Lvov institutions. It is telling that the level of grooming they have shown noticeably falls below even that of the least intelligent among those from Donetsk.

Today, in the absence of one of the oldest pillars of her statehood, Ukraine will rapidly fall apart, literally before our eyes. Before the ‘Russian Spring’ all was held together by the resources and iron will of the Donbass elite.
Here’s a rather seditious or politically incorrect idea: had it not been for the Donetsk ‘paratroopers’ running Crimea over the past three years, it is unclear whether Crimea would have become ours. The replacement of Donetsk elite that took place as a result of the total bankruptcy of its previous members after the flight of Yanukovich, cleared the path to the top for a number of new politicians such as Alexander Zakharchenko and Dennis Pushilin. On November 2nd the residents of the Donetsk and Lugansk Republics will go to the polls to elect their own local councils and leaders, thereby removing questions surrounding their legitimacy.

The new Dnepropetrovsk-Lvov intra-elite stand off will naturally transfer the borders of the country further westwards, where Bandera is truly revered and where Soviet power and Moscow are fiercely detested. The one issue that was overlooked by the architects of the New Ukrainian Order is the sharply rising division and dichotomy in the troubled land. After Donbass, Odessa and Kharkov cannot but follow. And the belated awareness of the Rusyns, Hungarians and Bulgarians of their options and possibilities pose a real challenge for the disorganised and unprepared Kiev authorities.

Self-determination of the towns and peoples of Ukraine will be significantly enhanced by the composition of the Rada. The presence of around 100 militiamen, punitive death squad commanders and regular criminals with deputy status will perhaps turn the Ukrainian parliamentary session into something resembling a war zone.

Convicted of attempted murder for the brutal beating of human rights defender and released as a result of the coup d’état on February 22, Igor Mosiychuk (10-th in the Radical party of Oleg Lyashko) and head of the ‘Social National Assembly’ – Andre Biletsky (single-mandate from the People’s Front of Arseniy Yatsenyuk in Kyiv) will continue to pursue ideas so beloved by Hitler in the new Parliament. And this is just an example.

Beasts from ‘Azov’  battalion with a deputy’s immunity as a face of the highest organ of State power — what can be a better anti-publicity for the United Ukraine for voters of different ethnicity of this multinational country?

This is why I am absolutely convinced that the convening of the Verkhovnaja Rada of Ukraine in its current multi-ethnic boundaries will be the last. It will be followed by numerous replicas of only Central and Western Ukrainian Rada model.

The victory of Bandera ideology will organically shrink the country to the size of Banderastan. And Rada will help make it happen.

Translated by Edmund Lubega

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