June 1, 2015
[FR Editor’s note: we cannot confirm the authenticity of these documents. A number of elements seem to work against the credibility of them, including syntax and form, subject matter, roles of those involved, and the underlying theory. We reproduce this on Fort Russ because it is going around the Russian blogosphere at high volume and, as such, Russians are reading it. ]
We, Cyber Berkut, keep on our presence in the computer networks of Kiev junta. This time we have hacked Ukrainian President’s Administration servers. We found confidential documents of Soros Fund among the files downloaded. They contain the strategy for Ukraine and fragments of correspondence between Petro Poroshenko and George Soros.
We have already warned of the inadmissibility of the US interference into the affairs of our country. We also repeatedly announced the unacceptability of anti-popular policy of Kiev, which turned Ukraine into the vassal of the USA.
The possessed materials urge that Soros needs Ukraine only to battle Russia. That’s why he insists on delivering up-today lethal weapons by the USA and training Ukrainian soldiers abroad.
Honored and ex-high ranking military leaders – American General Wesley Clark and his Polish colleague Valdemar Skrzypczak – will advise Poroshenko how to restore the fighting capacity of Ukraine.
Soros advises to create the mirage of struggle against corruption and financial instability for Ukrainian people. Although he agrees Ukraine to be on the edge of catastrophe, its financial system is crippled, reserves are exhausted and Hryvnia is backed by nothing.
For the purpose of struggle against Russia Soros insists on €1 billion annually aid for Kiev junta delivered by European countries despite their own interests. What would European tax-payers say about such expenditures on Kiev junta?
Besides according to Ukrainian Foreign Policy Research Institute which documents were also in Poroshenko’s network, Soros is one of top-10 Ukraine lobbyists. So you can see the musters of the current Ukrainian regime.
December 23, 2014
His Excellency Petro Poroshenko
President of Ukraine
Prime Minister of Ukraine
Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, My Dear Friends,
I want to appeal to you to unite behind the reformers in your government and give your
wholehearted support to a radical, “big bang” type of approach. That is to say,
administrative controls would be removed and the economy would move to market prices
rapidly rather than gradually.
As you know, I have left no stone unturned trying to drum up support for a larger
financial package at the European Summit dinner on December 18. You could see from
the communique that I did not have much success, although the comments by Presidents
Tusk and Juncker were helpful. There was a widespread feeling that the Ukrainian
government has not got its act together and is not really committed to radical reforms.
Yesterday morning I spoke to Christine Lagarde who has been most supportive of my
arguments and she has expressed similar views.
This puts the “new” Ukraine, that is adamantly opposed to the “old” Ukraine with its
endemic corruption and ineffective government, into jeopardy. The public is willing to
put up with a certain amount of sacrifices for the sake of a new Ukraine, but Ukraine
needs a larger financial package than the $15 billion currently contemplated to keep the
drop in living standards to a tolerable level. In order to justify a larger package the
government needs to present a convincing budget with significant savings. The civil
service headcount needs to be cut by much more than 10% and Naftogaz needs to be
reorganized with a big bang replacing the hidden subsidies provided by Naftogaz with
direct subsidies for the needy. As Yuriy Vitrenko explained to me this could be made to
work by assuring people that their request for subsidy will be granted for the first year
whether they are entitled to it or not (using social pressure to discourage unjustified requests) and not requiring them to pay more than the year before. That would give the
authorities a year to organize an orderly transition from hidden to explicit subsidies. That
is why I urge you to endorse the big bang approach.
You are fortunate to have appointed three “new Ukrainian” ministers and several natives
who are committed to this approach. They could reorganize their own ministries, cutting
the headcount to a fraction of its current size but raising the salaries of the remaining
staff. This could provide an example for the other ministers to follow. The ministers who
undertook radical reforms could be held responsible if they failed, but they must be given
a chance to succeed by allowing them to choose their own deputies.
When I asked President Juncker’s diplomatic advisor what he had in mind when he spoke
about the lack of progress, surprisingly he emphasized constitutional reforms. Indeed,
Ukraine is at a unique moment when the public is passionately interested in constitutional
issues and this moment should not be missed. Civil society needs to be actively engaged
in the discussions. This raises the role of the National Reform Council which I hope you
will clarify between the two of you.
As you know, I asked Andrés Velasco, a prominent economist who was Chile’s very
successful minister of finance from 2006-2010 to visit Kyiv where he met the Prime
Minister; the President was in Warsaw at the time. Velasco came back with a dire view of
the financial situation. The National Bank of Ukraine has practically no hard currency
reserves. That means that the hryvnia has no anchor. If a panic occurred and the currency
collapsed as it did in Russia, the National Bank could not stabilize the exchange rate even
if only temporarily as Russia did by injecting $90 billion.
Your first priority must be to regain control over the financial markets—bank deposits
and exchange rates. Unless you do, you will have no way to embark on deeper reforms. I
believe the situation could be stabilized by getting the European Council to make a
commitment in principle that they will pull together the new $15 billion package that the
IMF requires in order to release the next tranche of its original package at the end of
January 2015. Based on that commitment the Federal Reserve could be asked to extend a
$15 billion three months swap arrangement with the National Bank of Ukraine. That
would reassure the markets and avoid a panic.
I believe the communique from Brussels and the comments by Presidents Tusk and
Juncker are having a calming effect on the market. It is for you to decide whether you
consider the danger of a financial panic real enough to take preventive measures. If you
do, you would have to call Chancellor Merkel to ask for a commitment in principle on a
888 Seventh Avenue, New York, NY 10106
Poroshenko, Petro and Yatsenyuk, Arseniy
December 23, 2014
$15 billion package. I am ready to call Jack Lew of the US Treasury to sound him out
about the swap agreement.
I have to leave for Asia on December 27th and I would like to discuss this issue with you
by phone or preferably by Skype before I leave. I shall have to reduce the intensity of my
involvement in Ukraine for the next three weeks. I plan to visit Kyiv after Davos. My
deputy Chris Canavan is ready to visit earlier if necessary.
With continued best wishes,
[signed George Soros]