Why military exercises in the Amazon point to Venezuela


December 25, 2017 – Fort Russ News – Paul Antonopoulos – Translated from Mision Verdad.

CARACAS, Venezuela – From November 6 to 13, these military exercises will bring together some 2,000 active troops from Colombia, Brazil and Peru, officially announcing the inclusion of 1,500 Brazilian soldiers, 150 from Colombia, 120 from Peru and 30 from the United States, as well as observers from more than 20 countries.

The operation consists in the detachment of a multinational military unit, in theory, for a determined time by means of a base-camp in territory of the Brazilian Amazon. This operation follows the spirit of the “Capable 2015 Logistician” exercise carried out by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries in 2015 in Hungary, exercises that established profiled maneuvers to simulate the destruction of Russia’s defense lines.

The exercise would be led by the Army Logistics Command (Colog) and the public pronouncement on the exercises is based on the development of support maneuvers for civilian and military personnel in a context of “peace operations and humanitarian aid”.

Recent Background and Context

This is the second time that task forces from neighboring countries, jointly with the US, carry out military maneuvers in the vicinity of Venezuela, in times of open hostility and attempts by diplomatic and economic encircles by the US and its allies in the continent against the Bolivarian Revolution.

On June 2, the official website of the US Southern Command issued a press release announcing exercises and military maneuvers just meters from Venezuelan territorial waters, specifically in Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago. In essence, these were very particular exercises, at a time when the Venezuelan government denounces intervention plans from the US.

These were the military exercises called “Tradewinds 2017” (Winds Trade 2017). According to the publications of the moment, it was a “multinational maneuver of maritime security and response to disasters” in the Caribbean. The exercise deployed in the Caribbean Sea consisted of two phases.

The first in the territorial sea of ​​Barbados from 6 to 12 June, and the second in Trinidad and Tobago (about 600 kilometers off the Venezuelan coast) from 13 to 17 June.

According to the Southern Command, cited in the Spanish edition of Russia Today, “2,500 participants” from Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Dominican Republic, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica , Saint Kitts and Nevis, Suriname, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines and Trinidad and Tobago.

Also military personnel from USA, Canada, France, Mexico and the United Kingdom. With the Tradewinds 2017, “partner countries” were invited to establish joint actions “to counter transnational organized crime, terrorism and disaster relief operations.”

However, the new exercises in the Amazon have generated suspicions because of their particularities. In May, when announcing the exercises, General of the Brazilian Armed Forces Theofilo de Oliveira, said that the purpose of the activity is to prepare for “humanitarian situations in the region”, framed in the narrative inserted by means of transnational propaganda that insistently point to the advent of a “humanitarian crisis” or a “large-scale civil conflict” in Venezuela.

Another curious and recent issue, also in early May of 2017, is the meeting held by Julio Borges, a visible face of Venezuelan coup and president of the parliament, who appeared in Washington with the dangerous American general H.R. McMaster.

The meeting was part of a visit by the leader of Primero Justicia, who coordinated seeing the most notable faces of the American anti-Chavez establishment, Senators Marco Rubio, Ben Cardin, John McCain and company, who have simultaneously worked in favor of new batches of sanctions against Venezuela.

Borges met with H. R. McMaster, Trump’s National Security Adviser, the most influential figure for the US president in relation to military and geopolitical issues. Precisely, McMaster is aware of how a war is being waged to be accepted by the American civilian population and by the so-called international community.

His book Dereliction of Duty (published in 1997) is an analysis of how the US government lied to its people and the US allies to enter the war against Vietnam in the 1960s , and the subsequent consequences of the American failure in that particular war.

It is no different to point out openly opposing positions from the US governments, who through their president have threatened a military intervention to Venezuela. It is also necessary to highlight the statements by the presidents of Colombia, Brazil and Peru on the “humanitarian issue” in Venezuela and the need to “reestablish democracy” in the Caribbean nation, in a context of intoxicating rhetoric, which has flirted with extra-institutional and non-democratic mechanisms to promote a displacement of the Bolivarian Revolution.

In the months of the recent violent anti-Chavez cycle in Venezuela, from April to July 2017, this group of countries had voices that openly auparon terrorist acts in Venezuela and the attempt to push the population to a civil conflict, once paramilitary violence and articulate, will consistently take important sectors in some cities of Venezuela. Climbing that generated about 136 dead and thousands of injured and injured.

Are the purposes of these military exercises benevolent?

If these exercises for the containment of humanitarian crises on a regional scale are aimed at Venezuela, it is necessary to ask the following questions: Does the Southern Command’s disaster containment maneuvers foresee the scenario of a disaster in Venezuelan lands and with projection to the Caribbean, Colombia and Brazil? Does the US prepare for war situations in Venezuela with consequent mass migration to the Caribbean, Colombia and Brazil? Does the US want to consolidate a “firewall” in case of a war situation in Venezuela?

The indications on the non-execution of an armed conflict in Venezuela start from the severe risks of creating a strong arc of instability in the north of South America with projection to the Caribbean and Central America. That is to say, if there is any element that could inhibit the US from carrying out a conventional or unconventional intervention (mercenary conflict as in Libya and Syria), it would be precisely because of the many possibilities to “encapsulate” the conflict in Venezuelan territory. Nevertheless, these contingencies, these maneuvers, infer the preparation of the neighboring military forces for those scenarios. As a result, suspicions around AmazonLog 17 are not over.

It is necessary to understand the broad sense in which the terms “threats”, “disasters”, “humanitarian work” and “maritime safety” are handled from the US strategic and military perspective, assuming that threat factors do not today in traditional situations such as drug trafficking in the Caribbean or the guerrillas. For the US the threats are of a different nature and are directed towards Venezuela.

The philosophy of American war conflicts is exactly replicated by the South American countries that are part of this exercise in the Amazon, in the context of a clear influence of the “School of the Americas”, better known today as the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation).

Linbergh Farias, a leader of the Workers’ Party (PT) party in Brazil’s Federal Senate, said that although the announced purpose of Amazonlog 17 is to train troops to operate amidst humanitarian crises, the real objective seems to be another : to fit the Brazilian Armed Forces in the strategic orbit of the USA.

The strategic orientation of the US has historically aimed to declare strategic areas of interest with resources, even if these are outside its borders. Venezuela is part of this context, understanding that for decades Venezuela was a kind of US military and country-mine protectorate serving huge energy and mineral resources to the US. This issue has undergone major changes since the rise of chavismo.

The derivations of these exercises are not excluded at all from any of the statements of the North American strategic policy, especially that which is outlined in the lines of action of the Southern Command, which aim to create “guarantee zones” of internal security of the US against threats in the South American region. Since 2015, Venezuela was declared by decree 13628 as an “unusual and extraordinary threat” to US security. Just under the legal framework of that decree, Donald Trump gave an executive order on August 25, 2017 to sanction the Venezuelan economy and deepen a cycle of suffocation to the economic and political life of this country.

By uniting the points that mark these events, it seems that the United States, besides articulating actions to detonate the political and social order in Venezuela, could be creating contingencies on a regional scale to mitigate the effects and derivations of this.

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