January 30, 2018 – Fort Russ News – Paul Antonopoulos – Translated from Nova Resistencia.
RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil – Today is the day when right-wing liberal cattle celebrate, as if Brazil had been saved, and where liberal left-hand cattle cry, as if the future of Brazil were threatened. All because of Lula, one of the most insidious political figures to arouse the greatest passions and sentimentality in the Brazilian masses.
He longs to be compared to Getúlio Vargas, forcing an association, but a crystal clear view shows how Lula is a true dwarf near Vargas. Compare Vargas and Lula is to compare a statesman to a politician, the Great Politics with politicagem.
The whole procedure of Lula’s case, from the phase of the inquiry into this new conviction in the second instance, is fraught with curious irregularities, a rush that is not characteristic of the long-suffering Brazilian Judiciary. But all this has nothing to do with persecution, rather, with the fact that the Brazilian Judiciary operates under the logic of the Society of the Spectacle.
Everyone involved in Lula’s case wanted and wants to appear in the media, they want to try to divine the feelings of the masses and future political tendencies and surf the wave, picking up future laurels with indications for STJ or STF seats, or other possible advantages.
Lula’s supporters, in turn, say that “Election without Lula is fraud”, repeating that old song that the International Financial System is afraid of Lula, that the bourgeoisie is afraid of Lula, and so on. Why would Lula fear the forces that benefited most from his mandate?
It is not the presence or absence of Lula that indicates the “fraud” in the Brazilian electoral system. It is the Brazilian electoral system itself, and the demoliberal political-ideological foundations on which it relies, which are essentially fraudulent. Liberal democracy has been fundamentally a card game marked since the end of the Military Dictatorship, with all the presidents since then, without exception, working in the service of the same international parasitic forces.
Proof of this is that the PT continues with the idea of launching a “Letter to the Brazilian People 2.0” with the objective of “reassuring the market”, that is, promising the maintenance of the neoliberal tripod and, perhaps, maintaining as much of the neoliberal measures as possible taken by the Temer government (which, we recall, was an ally of the PT until recently).
If it is true that there may be reasonable and legitimate circumstances which make it acceptable to try to influence this game (to prevent greater evils, to support the rare antisystem figures that risk in that environment, etc.), one can not lose sight of the fact that it overcomes those who do the possible to convince the masses and the media of their own harmlessness.
The patience of the Brazilian people with this game has become less and less. Part of the people plunges into ever greater levels of apathy, while others look desperate for any alternative that seems to come from outside this game (most are nothing more than simulations of outsiders, such as Doria and Bolsonaro).
The conciliationism of Lula’s classes proved bankrupt. Except for some positive achievements in the geopolitical sphere, Lula offered the people only economic neoliberalism and moral progressivity, and thus alienated most of the people. Attacks on the middle class, the white Brazilians, the police and the military, the inhabitants of the southeast and south, the public morality, the family, coming from him, from politicians of his party or from militants of movements linked to his party, put millions of Brazilians against him.
Its neoliberal tripod, its privatizations, its support for FHC’s privatizations, its refusal to audit public debt, its maintenance of the highest real interest rates in the world, its dependence on high commodity prices, ensured de-industrialization deepened, making any economic growth in that period disappeared overnight with a fall in prices in oil barrels.
If her name still attracts the support of 35% of the population (lower support rates than those of Dilma in her second election), it is more out of desperation or a sad blind faith in a false Messiah.
The Brazilian political moment demands radicalization. Liberalism must be extirpated from Brazil. Lula is no solution.