The game of the animal finances the traffic, the corruption and the cultural decay


January 10, 2018 – Fort Russ News – Paul Antonopoulos – Translated from Nova Resistencia.

RIO DE JANEIRO, Brazil – Everyone knows, but few speak of it. Everyone knows who they are, even though they rarely appear on TV (except at the time of Carnival). Yes, the bankers are in Brazil. But if the bankers of the financial system are the “kings” of Brazil, the “barons” and “counts”, that is, the direct hidden managers of our country are the bankers of the animal.

Controlling the main game of chance in Brazil since the end of the nineteenth century, the game of the beast became the real Brazilian mafia, laying the foundations of organized crime in Brazil and, from the 70s, with its symbiosis with the military regime, became professionalized and created branches in the various other sectors of organized crime, politics and culture.

The great bosses of the animal game in Rio de Janeiro emerged during the military regime: Anísio Abraão, Castor de Andrade and Captain Guimarães. It was under the conniving eyes of the military regime that the game of the animal became institutionalized, still serving to launder money of political corruption, to finance the traffic, prostitution and several other crimes.

The game of the animal grew like foreign mafia organizations, through family structures. The great bankers of the beast, who from the seventies started to live and operate from “fortresses”, created a governing commission to circumvent disputes, to divide territories and to rationalize their criminal operations.

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It was by decision of this governing commission, for example, that the Independent League of Samba Schools was created in 1984. If until then, the samba schools and the Carnival were linked to the State and were more concretely signed in the communities, the bankers of the beast from the 1980s practically privatized Carnival and gained free access to Brazilian “high society”, beginning to appear publicly as if they were “respectable figures” of society. The cultural consequences of this were the departure of the traditional sambistas from the decision making within their own schools and the commoditization of the Carnival.

Participation in the distribution of drugs in Brazil also comes from the 1980s. It was Pablo Escobar himself, from the Medelín Cartel, who, when seeking partners in Brazil, chose the drug bankers because of their organizational capacity, political influence and control of the police. To lead drug trafficking in Brazil was chosen the baby Toninho Turco, who for almost a decade controlled more than 70% of drug trafficking in Rio de Janeiro, and made the city the traffic capital in Brazil.

With the fall of Turco, the bicheiros happened to transfer their investments more and more to other games of chance, as the video poker machines.

It should not be surprising, then, that Senator Renan Calheiros put in charge in 2016 the liberation of the game of the beast in Brazil. This should not be surprising because several colleagues from his party and other parties were exposed as linked to the bouncer Carlinhos Cachoeira.

Thus we have another piece in the scheme of political, economic, and cultural power in Brazil, a play that tries to remain hidden or to bring about the appearance of respectability, but which is as rotten as the parasitic forces of the financial system or other criminal parasites.

All these forces are symbiotically linked. Bankers, politicians, bicheiros, traffickers, each fulfilling its role within the capitalist system.

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