ATHENS, Greece – A collective volume circulates this period online in the form of pdf, that is accessible by anyone.
It is titled “Ally No More”, meaning “No longer an Ally”, and is partly related to the history of the relations between the Kemalists, but above all the current Islamist Turkey, with the United States.
His characteristic subtitle refers directly to the subject: “Erdogan’s New Turkish Caliphate and the Rising Jihadist Threat to the West” and “The New Caliphate and the Emerging Jihadist Danger to the West”.
The publisher of the volume is the Center for Security Policy based in the US capital. CSP is a well-known super-conservative, pro-Israeli and anti-Muslim think tank and will be discussed later on. For a number of reasons I will rely later on – and beyond the fact that its publication is deliberate and promotes a specific agenda – I consider the texts in the volume – together with their authors – extremely important.
Each and every one of us needs our own in-depth study of both their past and the policies that the authors suggest about the “cure” of the underlying Turk-centered jihadist problem. The volume is small – 150 pages text and 40 references – with each text not exceeding 20 pages.
This means that the whole project and the individual texts are easy to read. In addition, and I want to emphasize it from the outset, the documentation is extensive (except for two texts) with 454 references.
And there is a reason.
The volume argues that Turkey, which in Atlantic post-war and post-Cold War “narrative” was:
a) the cornerstone of the Euro-Atlantic security building – “loyal and faithful ally” was the repeated cliché
b) an exemplary model of development of a non-Western secular state;
c) post-cold war – exemplary model of “moderate” Islamic state, ceased to be all above.
And with the rise and dominance of political Islam, guided by Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his former ally and partner Hoghia Fetullah Gullen, Turkey has ceased to be the ally of the United States and has turned into the pinnacle of the janitorial spear but also the the leading force of “civilization jihad”, which threatens the whole non-Muslim world, with the first goal being the West.
Just because this view seems extreme, it is supported by extensive documentation, which is, by itself, an extremely useful research tool for any serious scholar. In the references and footnotes the stakeholders will identify the sources of known and unknown positions, pronouncements and related words of the Erdogan-Gullen twin, and not only, as well as the “internal” language of Islamic-jihadist communication which we either misinterpret (many times) or just do not understand.
The volume also has a further interest for the scholars of the strategic alliance of the US-Turkey-Israel triangle, which has been dominant for nearly four decades – from the mid-1970s until recently – shaping states and policies both in the US and the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East.
The paradox is that Turkey-Israel relations are not addressed directly, nor is the history of anti-Semitism in Turkey, which not only characterizes Erdogan and its environment, but also exists in society and state structures. The reference is made indirectly and the reader is left to draw his own conclusion because with the dominance of the jihadist Erdogan, the strategic axis between the two states has collapsed.
My appreciation is that this is deliberate because the obvious aim of the volume is to highlight a wider strategic problem for the aspirations of a “neo-Ottoman” Turkey that has already, according to the authors, assumed the leadership of a “cultural jihad” against the West with Erdogan as the new Caliph.
The volume is, of course, “Erdoganocentric” with Erdogan seen as a catalyst for developments in the creation of “new” jihadist Turkey but, at the same time, an example of an Islamist, that is, a non-Kemalist Turkey that always existed. The latter never accepted the Kemalist version of “ecclesiasticism” imposed on it from 1923 to the end of the 20th century by Kemal, the Kemalist elite who succeeded him in 1938, and militarism. The Kemalist elite, together with the militarism, formed the “deep state” (“derin devlet” or “gizli devlet”), which exercised power in Turkey during this period, which was rising to the wealth of the country, and which carried out coups (1960, 1971, 1980, 1997),
The ten authors of the volume include two Turks, Uzay Bulut and Burak Bektil. Both have lost their jobs as journalists in Turkey, with Bulut being self-determined in the US capital. All other writers have been serving critical positions in successive governments since President Reagan’s time.
Ideologically they are conservative, neoconservative and pro-Israeli and who fully identify the strategic interests of the US with those of Israel. The Center for Security Studies is sponsored by many US dollars annually from well-known super-conservative institutions and from all major US martial industries.
The modules covered in the volume are:
a) the history of Erdogan’s “transformation” from a “moderate model”, a supposed Muslim leader, into a world-leading jihadist figure,
b) economic and demographic data and, in particular, the emergence of the Kurdish element,
c) the abolition of human and civil rights by Turkish citizens,
(d) the organized penetration of Erdogan’s Islamist mechanisms in a deformed Europe, and
e) the corresponding penetration of the same mechanisms in the US.
The last two sections, especially for America, deserve a thorough study for obvious reasons but also for a particular one. Erdogan-Gulen’s initial co-operation to displace the Kemalists from the US power centers where they settled with the help of the American government and the American-Jewish lobby, as well as the subsequent clash between the two in America continues to “death”.
The significance of this chapter stems from the fact that almost all of the information comes from people who have served in secret services, or from “leaks” of US and Israeli services. Also relevant is information on direct co-operation and Turkish funding of “cultural ginhads” in the US and its guidance from Ankara.
I consider the volume to be extremely useful and useful for an in-depth understanding of the underlying causes of Erdogan’s and Islamist Turkey’s behavior as well as policy suggestions for dealing with it. At the same time, it is enlightening as to the motives of writers other than the two of Turkish origin. All of them were formerly fanatical supporters of Kemalist Turkey and Erdogan until the latter brought down all three masks: pro-Western, pro-Jewish, and pro-Syrian. Some of them continue to complain that the Erdogan phenomenon is casual and facial and that it is a matter of time for Turkey to return as one of the cornerstones of the Euro-Atlantic security system. They should, advocate, pursue policies against Erdogan.
Translated from Crash Magazine Online.