Why is the US trying to destroy Nicaragua?

The Color will NOT be 'Red'

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Nicaragua’s government led by Ortega is in the cross-hairs of US imperialism. This is connected with the US’s Monroe Doctrine 2.0, which envisages a swapping of entanglements, to land on a foreign policy of spheres of influence. While this is good for the Middle-East and Eastern Europe, it leaves Latin America entirely vulnerable and open to a new round of neo-colonial exploitation. In our previous report, we covered Mision Verdad’s analysis of the facts behind the astro-turf protest movement in Nicaragua, and why every element of it fits to the ‘T’, the model and practice of the Color Revolution tactic. In this report, we pick up where that left off, and dig into the reasons why the US is actually trying to overthrow the government, and bring chaos and civil war to Nicaragua.

While the below fits perfectly as a stand-alone piece, Part I can be read here  – J. Flores, Ed.


Unlike the violent protests of 2015, aimed at simulating a scenario of widespread rejection of the Interoceanic Canal, the 2018 protests reflect a change in nature on the one hand, and on the other, the tangible results of the last years of financing the USAID: the training and proliferation of media and social networks in Nicaragua were weapons used to alter the country’s political stability, perhaps for the first time with that level of effectiveness, capacity and resonance.



At that time it was the Sandinista Renovation Movement, which sought to shape itself as a serious electoral option for the opposition, the visible face that organized part of the mobilizations and assumed a pronounced political directionality. [NB – The MRS should be confused with the ruling FSLN. They are a split, to the right of the FSLN, seeing themselves as ‘moderates’, that now seeks common cause with the pro-Atlanticist opposition]

A  totally contrary reality emerged from this laboratory created movement that emerged from social networks, like twitter, which was organized in the streets with agitators with no visible connections, acquired a youthful varnish and found its own way to oxygenate, using rumors and propaganda operations to soften the security forces and induce greater instability.

This is how they have added youth musical expressions and fronts of university students as an ideological and moral vanguard, and above all as guild coverage, of the regime change operation. Sensitize public opinion and use social networks to glorify violence, since on the ground criminal agents do the dirty work, is part of the global manual of color revolutions. Nothing new, except the adaptation of its purposes in the local.

As a laboratory method, its objectives are multiple and do not always move in a linear direction, but adapted to the conditions and limits of the target-state. That is why the violent demonstrations do not seem to have an end goal in themselves, rather they could aim to generate conditions of instability and internal “rejection” with enough resonance to drive an operation of geopolitical harassment.

For that reason they have come to support the violent clash in the streets and to label as “violent” the containment of demonstrations, NGOs of the caliber (by its budget in dollars from the US, nothing more) of Amnesty International, of Human Rights Watch , both escorted by the General Secretariat of the OAS, the European Union and the governments of the United States and Costa Rica.

Through this persuasion, we try to standardize the treatment of street clashes, denying the coordinates of the Nicaraguan personality that the policy adopts with several decibels of intensity, in turn glorifying the instigators who led the demonstrations as victims. professional violence


It is likely that this internal maneuver could serve the US Senate to accelerate the approval of the Nica Act , a law aimed at closing the country’s financing channels in the international financial system dominated by Washington. According to its promoters, Senators Marco Rubio, Bob Menendez, among others, the reason for its application is the lack of free elections, violations of the Law, human rights and corruption of the Nicaraguan government.

Now the officialization of the financial blockade against the Central American country could come under the excuse of defending the protesters or to avoid “greater repression” by the Sandinistas, making use of the comparative advantage that having the USAID has as a reflex “civil society” in “defense of democracy”.

“I will not stop defending democracy, that is part of our policy and will continue to be part of our policy”: supporting the same premise the gringo ambassador Paul Trivelli was justified before the press when, in 2006, he publicly offered millions of dollars to all organizations that seek to build opposition, electoral or not, to the government of Daniel Ortega.


The fundamental layer of this new attempt at regime change in Nicaragua seems to be traversed by an unalterable and highly conflictive condition: its geographical location and the binational interest between Nicaragua and China to build a 270-kilometer Interoceanic Canal that displaces Panama as the only one commercial artery between the two oceans.

The completion and entry into operation of this mega project in the medium term would mean a tangible loss in the financial and commercial control of the US, which would have implications both in its position of dominion over the region, as well as in its status as commercial rector to world level, just as it embarks on a long-term financial war against China.

What the US is playing in Nicaragua is fundamentally the geostrategic advantage that the Panama Canal has given it since the beginning of the 20th century. And the geopolitical urgency to prevent the project from advancing has its measure in the financing given to the opposition for years and the overdose of armed violence in recent days. It is essential for them a change of government in Nicaragua to place a new administration that desists from the Interoceanic Canal.

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No wonder one of the narrative hooks of the demonstrations is the strong opposition to the project, a prefabricated political endorsement but no less useful for the Nica Act to close the taps of financing towards the Canal.

We witness this in the Arab Spring, during the Ukrainian Maidan, in the context of the protests in Brazil, and in 2014 and 2017 specifically in Venezuela: the regime change operations do not end when the protests do, but they mutate and assimilate a set of fronts that give a more aggressive continuity from formal power institutions.

What happened in recent days can be instrumented to shape economic sanctions, complicate the diplomatic position of the country and demobilize the priority political objectives of the government of Daniel Ortega through foreign harassment. And that is the initial calculation of manufacturing a Spring for Nicaraguans adapted to the layers of organized crime  that flourish in the country and that can be used if the proposed political agenda is presented as profitable. It also speaks to the ability to adapt the role of agitators in the field that sectors of the Catholic Church have had.

While this germinal stage is taking on a more outstanding tone, the local and international media have already committed their respective crimes, raising the death toll to 10, when in fact five died – among them a police officer and the Channel 6 journalist, Ángel Gahona. To then transfer responsibility for all the facts to the government of Daniel Ortega while feigning dementia regarding the human and material damages generated by the violent groups. None of the victims participated in the protests.

The global factory of fake news is put to the test in Nicaragua and at the service of professional armed groups that carry out acts of extreme violence. And the next media maneuver is in full development: create a martyr that avoids a demobilization of violence and gives a symbolic charge to keep the agenda afloat in case of a backflow. It seems that Angel Gahona fulfills the necessary characteristics in the middle of the urgency for a political death that gives physical body to the confrontation.







The business class for its part endorses the violence in the streets and operates in order to achieve a government concession that is then sold as a “victory of the people.” This leaves us with a photograph that is clear enough to describe the political technique of soft punching and / or color revolution. Paraphrasing: the fall of the regime is not sought by direct methods, but from the use of the cultural, technological and political tools of globalization, as well as its own discourse, to provoke a political change that does not have the traces of a power Foreign.

We know this in Venezuela, where a demand for demands (“recall referendum”, “general elections”, etc.) is used as an unattainable demand, since everything is concealed under a citizen’s claim as an agenda of internal violence and international encirclement and financial promoted by Washington. Since 2002.

“A State and a policy that does not allow them to be constituted as citizens and a market that does not allow them to become consumers (…) and if they could emigrate to improve their living conditions, they would do it”: this says a note published in the local media The Confidential, who has tried to manufacture a youth character of the protests. More than an air note, it is perhaps a demonstration that the USAID brand policy has a social layer where it can be culturally charged, since the existential crises of emerging and globalized youth are politically charged, solely concerned with the development of their “individual talent”, and settle into a place of “success” within the global consumer society.

It is the path of soft power through which the most distinctive features of the destruction of the national consciousness, of its social and ethical body, Sandinismo and Chavismo under the same zone of danger in the cultural sphere, are advancing.

Another disagreeable wink with Venezuela, by the way, where the opposition base (centered on the middle class) that was also a victim of the Color Revolution, today is torn between leaving the country, asking for a foreign intervention shouting or frustrating itself abstaining in the next presidential elections. All that weight while feeling the raw economic damages of the subsequent agenda that resulted from the calls for mobilization and “sit-ins” that she supported.

Social traumas that remain unresolved, since it also serves a political asset for an equally demented global power.

The percentage of the population with Internet access in the Central American country is barely 19%; we will gave to wait to see if beyond the social networks the crack drawn by the media is such, or if its scope is enough for the power that really financed the violence to operate.


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