How the New-Left Handed ‘Far Right’ Bolsonaro the Election



“It will be the Devil’s competition with the Devil, and the winner will be Hell.” – Leonel Brizola

The real Jair Bolsonaro

The dramatic 2018 Elections finally came to an end: Jair Bolsonaro’s predictable and announced victory, which won the majority of votes, beating the PT opponent in the second round. Millions of Brazilians, including those of the working class, conferred the fate of the Homeland upon the former captain, in a clear repudiation of the legacy of almost a decade and a half of petism. Petism is ‘PT-ism’, the ideology of the Workers Party – ‘PT’.

Today, the legacy of petism is perceived in a mostly negative way by the people. It is even possible to affirm that antipetism is the main political sentiment of the masses in Brazil. There are exaggerations. There is manipulation by psyops operations of American intelligence. There is a mythology built by the neo-conservative philosopher Olavo de Carvalho behind it. All this is true, but there are palpable and undeniable material truths motivating antipetism: The sense of insecurity has never been greater, the population feels the omnipresence of corruption, the economic project of petism supported by failed commodity exports and has led the economy into the hole , which meant millions of unemployed and numerous bankruptcies; but still the fanatical and virulent promotion of the moral and cultural guidelines of the postmodern liberal left does not stop.

That is why Bolsonaro will be the next president of Brazil.

Appearances, however, often mislead us: that Bolsonaro elected today is not to be confused with the Bolsonaro of two decades ago – the militarily minimal patriot who defended the execution of the deceased FHC – and that the petism represented in the electoral process, is mixed with the popular party, of Catholic syndicalist matrix, which at the beginning of the millennium emerged as an alternative to predatory neoliberalism.

No, Bolsonaro is not a patriot, he is not a nationalist. The PT and the progressive left, in turn, are no alternatives to it and neither have the moral reserve or popular energy to be a de facto opposition.

Why do we say that Bolsonaro is not a patriot? It is simple: Bolsonaro declared that the Amazon is not ours, that Brazil should not have its own nuclear program and it maintained continence to the flag of the United States. He voted in favor of the PEC spending ceiling, which makes any investment for the future unfeasible.

Paulo Guedes, the future finance minister in the Jair administration, said that the pension reform is the “first big item” of the economic model he and Bolsonaro want to implement. Temer has already announced that he will provide support for Bolsonaro to approve such a reform. We know well what this anti-people model of the reformists is: it is useless to speak in favor of the family and at the same time defend a reform that will leave our grandparents and grandfathers starving. Guedes is a founding banker of BTG Pactual, the bank that takes care of all the investments of George Soros in Brazil. Its technocratic economic team is filled with bankers who work, or have worked, for the major international banks linked to the Rothschilds and other families of the international parasitic elite.

Besides being against the Brazilian atomic bomb, the main instrument of guarantee of national sovereignty, Bolsonaro is a globalist of Atlanticist bias. In his alignment with Atlanticism, he has already vowed to unreservedly support the State of Israel, close the Palestinian embassy and take the Brazilian embassy to Jerusalem. His vice president has already promised Brazilian participation in a possible US military intervention in Venezuela. He opposes Assad and has already called for categorization of Hezbollah as a terrorist group.

In Bolsonaro’s Plan of Government, on page 32, he proposes to “remove from the Constitution any relativization of private property, as an example in the EC / 81 restrictions.” Now, what is Constitutional Amendment 81, which he wants to withdraw? It is the Amendment that modified article 243 of the Federal Constitution, stating that “Rural and urban properties of any region of the country where illegal crops of psychotropic plants are located or the exploitation of slave labor in the form of the law will be expropriated and destined for retirement agrarian and popular housing programs, without any indemnification to the owner and without prejudice to other sanctions provided for by law, observing, where applicable, the provisions of art. 5th. ”

In other words, in defense of “private property,” Bolsonaro will make it easier for criminals who use slave labor and drug traffickers to live.

In 2003, Bolsonaro praised the death squads operating in Bahia. In 2007, his son, Flávio Bolsonaro, presented a bill to legalize the militias in Rio de Janeiro.

That is why in October, the mafia family Abrahão David, linked to the Russian and Israeli mafia and to the game of the animal, expressed its support to the Bolsonaros. The same Flávio Bolsonaro campaigned with these criminals and participated in a walk in Nilopolis alongside Farid Abrahão David, the brother of Farid Abrahão David and Simão Sessim, his cousin. It is these connections that lead Jair Bolsonaro to defend the legalization of casinos and gambling. It must be made clear: current militias and death squads are part of organized crime and are an attempt by the Mafia to discipline criminal operations, to “pacify” neighborhoods so that trafficking can act in a “civilized” way. What is the point of defending law and order without fighting the great barons of crime, the high rank of trickery and banditry? But these barons are on Bolsonaro’s side – as are the bankers and representatives of globalism and the financial underworld, like Paulo Guedes, alongside them.

There are a number of other examples (at other times, we are going to unmask the “Myth”, this false idol of clay feet). The death of the PT And what about the PT? Let the dead bury their dead. The PT left us to Bolsonaro. All your post-redemocratization political efforts have brought us to this moment. We can safely say that the conditions for Bolsonaro’s victory today have been built by the consolidation of the PT as the hegemonic center of popular struggles and by its electoral victories in the last four elections. The liberal left has implemented and intensified the PSDB’s macroeconomic policy, embracing a cartel of banks and a project that deindustrialized the country and accentuated its dependence on the world production system. Brazil became a hostage of agribusiness and the export of commodities, while its productive forces were parasitized and exhausted until almost complete destruction.

For the population, the PT sold the illusion of undesirable and unsustainable consumerism in the face of the clutter of our productive possibilities, leading people to fancy belonging to a “new middle class” because they could buy on credit by paying the most indecent interest rates. Education was privatized, health became the object of trade, public investments were strangled and the government bet on the expansion of low-skilled jobs, creating an economic bubble that, when it burst, sank the country. With the PT, the Brazilian people became even poorer, even more exploited, even further from their final independence. In order to maintain its hegemony in the popular field, the PT demobilized the trade unions and equipped with pelegos (government picked fake union reps) all other workers’ instruments of struggle.

In addition, the public security crisis, coupled with the disregard of the state, at the municipal, state and federal levels, has generated immense popular outrage – the worker, after all, blamed by robbers and traffickers, is the main one affected by urban violence – peripheries Finally, the PT joined a corruption scheme that fueled entrepreneurs and allowed money laundering for organized crime and religious enterprises. With nothing to offer Brazil, but more efficient instruments of exploitation of our resources and of our work force by the national and international financial system, the PT sustained itself politically trying to impose upon a whole segment of our population the dogmas of a cosmopolitan religion that was stuffed with foreign ideals and offended popular piety, financed abortionist movements and a militant feminist and radical LGBT whose ideal of society is completely alien to our cultural background.

To the economic exploitation of the people, the PT and the liberal left that it represents added to the ethical-behavioral oppression, imposing on Brazilians a postmodern identity agenda that offended popular customs. In general, the progressive left claims to defend the people, but it hates everything that comes from it: its faith, its culture, its values. How to take a liberal left seriously that crack cocaine users are not people enslaved by the addiction exploited by traffickers, but rather, people exercising their freedom of choice? How to take seriously a liberal left that defends the legalization of prostitution, the legalization of drugs?

The liberal left failed because it represents no one other than bankers and a middle class that is meant western, not Brazilian. The PT governments, with all their betrayals, all their contradictions, all their concessions, and even with their pretended successes, prepared the country for that moment. In attempting to become a caricature of California, the PT built an enemy that offered us Miami and Texas.

And we warned. Incidentally, we have been warning for years that the progressive left liberalism would throw the country into the hands of the most liberal and reactionary neoconservative right. We have tried every moment, since our foundation, to bring the left to the support of the traditional moral values ​​of the Brazilian population. We did.


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