Published on: Nov 20, 2018 @ 11:07 – By Alexander Rostovtsev – On November 14, Russian President Putin and Japanese Prime Minister Abe met at the ASEAN summit in Singapore and held talks, one of the main topics of which was the discussion of the future fate of the two Kuril Islands — Shikotan and Habomai.
Recall that Japan demands the return of these two islands, referring to the mutually ratified Soviet-Japanese declaration of 1956, in exchange for signing a peace treaty.
As a result of the talks, the Kremlin’s press service issued a message that for the sake of a peace treaty, the Russian side is ready to compromise, unless it conflicts with the national interests of either side. In addition, it was stressed that the heads of the foreign affairs agencies were instructed to increase the intensity of the dialogue on the peace treaty.
The cherry on the top was a statement by Japanese Prime Minister Abe, who generously promised that if the two islands of the South Kuriles returned, Japan would in no way allow the United States to place military bases on them.
All these statements together produced the effect of a blasted projectile, giving rise to a mass of misinterpretations in the media and social networks, in the spirit of “Russia is ready to hand over two disputed islands to the Japanese,” with dreary parallels about the alleged return of Shikotan and Habomai to their native harbor.
Particularly fiercely on the topic were the pundit-experts, like the ever-memorable “El Murid” Nesmiyan. There were even cases of standard wagers: “this time Russia will definitely give up the islands”.
It seemed that the official reports, “experts,” either forgotten how to read, or listened to their asses, or whether only the first part of the compromise message was in their memory, but the rest was drafted out of their heads, without affecting their brains.
All these pundits also ignored an important statement of Putin concerning the 1956 declaration: “this document is far from clear.”
In fact, the Japanese side, relying on the document of 1956, makes a demand: first, the transfer of the islands, and then the peace treaty. Whereas Khrushchev’s compromise was the opposite: first a peace treaty, and then a transfer of the islands, which was reflected in the document. Moreover, the Japanese additionally had to officially abandon the territorial claims to the other two islands – Kunashir and Iturup.
But that’s not all. Article 9 of the joint declaration required Japan to withdraw foreign troops from its territory. In fact, Khrushchev was pushing Japan to accept the status of a neutral state, but here the United States intervened, against any peace treaty between the USSR and Japan under these conditions – that was too sharp a knife. The Americans demanded from the Japanese side not to remove the territorial claims on Kunashir and Iturup, promising that otherwise the Ryukyu archipelago and Okinawa island, which were under US administration on the basis of the 1951 treaty signed in San Francisco, would not be returned to Japan.
Further more: On January 19th, 1960, the United States forced Japan to sign the “Agreement on Interaction and Security,” according to which the Americans were allowed to use military bases on their territory and keep on them parts of the Air Force, Navy and Army Forces.
This alignment, of course, did not suit the Soviet leadership, and on January 29th, 1960, a statement was made in which the USSR officially refused to consider transferring the promised Kuril Islands to Japan, since this would lead to a likely expansion of the American military presence in the region and adversely affect security of the USSR and China.
And now appreciate how funny and pitiful the promise of the Japanese vassal premier Abe is to keep the US military out of the suddenly acquired islands.
Thank you, bitch, we already saw through this scam almost 30 years ago, when “Western partners” promised Gorby not to expand NATO to our borders. And it would be the height of cretinism to step on the same rake twice.
Actually, Russia last year tried to find a compromise with Japan on the islands, proposing their joint development. And immediately faced the samurai’s trick. The fact is that Russia, as the constitutional owner, reasonably suggested that the Japanese representatives work on the Kuril Islands within the framework of Russian jurisdiction. But in Tokyo, for some reason, decided that on the islands that belonged to them on paper alone, that they should develop their activities according to their own laws.
In general, the compromise died, so really and was not born.
Thus, the situation with the conclusion of a peace treaty Russia – Japan is more and more like a stalemate. Since the time when N. Khrushchev signed an agreement with Japan from 1956, much water has flowed under the bridge and much has changed in the world. It is possible to make another heartfelt talk a thousand times that the document of 62 years ago lies at the heart of the Russian-Japanese dialogue, but it has long been clear to everyone that there are no other agreements that can move the process from a dead point, because it is always that there is a third party – the US – whose geopolitical interests nullify in advance all attempts by Russia and Japan to agree.
The transfer of Shikotan and Habomai automatically lends to a new problem: the status of Kunashir and Iturup. And after them, a chain reaction will begin – give Crimea, give Kaliningrad, give Primorye. What did you think? The Chinese comrades very closely monitor the course of negotiations on small islands, which are of tremendous importance, and draw appropriate conclusions.
Having lost even two islands, Russia will lose an important conquest – the status of everything inland of the Sea of Okhotsk, and in addition, it will lose control over the warm-water straits through which the strategic submarines of the Russian Navy enter the Pacific Ocean underwater.
The fact that the Americans will certainly deploy their submarines to monitor our submarines tells us need to go to ask grandma if we should do this. Americans are pressured by constant protests of the Japanese people of Okinawa, demanding the immediate removal of American bases from the island. Can’t we just chill and see where this goes?
Many citizens are interested: if the situation is a stalemate, why the hell do we need all these meetings and negotiations?
The answer is simple: a bad peace is always better than a good fight. The dialogue allows the parties, especially Japan, where the theme of the return of the Kuril Islands is set in a series of distracting from primary national problems, to let off steam of public indignation. Otherwise, the Japanese premiere will be thrown into the noodles by the local revenge-seekers. And these are not empty words. Various polls show that from 60 to 80% of Japanese are categorically in favor of the return of the islands by Russia.
In principle, the current situation plays more into the hands of Russia. Japan, although it supported the American sanctions, is ready to disobey them where possible. Take, for example, the proposal of the company Kawasaki, who expressed willingness to install the turbines for two new Crimean power plants to replace the decaying Siemens ones. And then, Japanese companies risk staying at the bottom of the trough in the joint exploration of the untold wealth of Siberia and the Far East with Russia. Especially looking at what activities have developed their competitors from China and South Korea.
In social networks, something has already divorced so many mourners about the unfair offenders brought to the samurai by our country. Say, yes – they are bastards. But they are still not Adolf, they did not attack us. And when there was a battle near Moscow, they did not attack the USSR. On the contrary, it is we who attacked them, the unfortunate ones. And in general, the Kuril Islands must be given away – these are “illegally pressed territories”.
Spoiled children who want to squander state-owned territories need to be reminded that: a) The Kuriles were transferred to Japan by the Russian Tsar as a sign of strengthening friendship between the Russian and Japanese empires (which did not happen) and B) before the signing of the non-aggression pact between the USSR and Germany, Japan was one of the most aggressive allies of the Nazis. The conclusion of the Covenant in Japan was considered a betrayal of Germany and since then the local militarists have taken the back seat. However, given the “peacefulness” of the island regime, the USSR had to keep dozens of fully deployed divisions in the Far East, which would not be superfluous near Moscow or Stalingrad.
That is, the Japanese militarists fought against our country, only in a different way.
To declare war on Japan, the USSR forced an agreement with the allies reached at the 1943 Tehran Conference. The USSR undertook, within six months after the victory over Hitler’s Germany, to enter the war against Japan in order to support the allies.
Do not forget that the Soviet Army smashed the Kwantung grouping not in Hokkaido or Okinawa, but in China, where the Japanese occupation authorities for many years pursued a policy of genocide, which even the Nazis would envy. Only the Nanking massacre of 1937-1938, during which at least 300 thousand (according to other sources, up to half a million) civilians were killed, remains an unsurpassed atrocity in the history of mankind. Like the genocide of more than 20 million non-combatants killed by the Japanese military during the occupation of Southeast Asia.
The Japanese soldiers practiced a similar approach to the civilian population in Korea, Burma, the Philippines, and many more. A separate article are the crimes of the so-called “Detachment 731”, their monstrous experiments on people surpassed the famous ghoul Mengele.
And, characteristically, the Japanese public has not repented about it so far.
In addition, the entry of the USSR into the war against Japan contributed to the liberation of China from intervention and in the future the victory of friendly forces in the civil war. And this, ultimately, works for the benefit of modern Russia.